Meydan Hareketleri ve ‘Eski’ ve ‘Yeni’ Toplumsal Hareketler

Farklı coğrafyalarda bulunan çeşitli toplumlar son bir kaç yılda belli başlı meydanların işgalini temel kolektif eylem olarak benimseyen sistem karşıtı popüler hareketlerin doğuşuna tanıklık etti. İspanya İndignados hareketi, Yunanistan Aganaktismenoi hareketi, Arap Baharı olarak adlandırılan popüler hareketler, Avrupa ve Amerika Birleşik Devletlerindeki İşgal hareketleri ve Türkiye’nin deneyimlediği Gezi hareketi gibi hareketleri kapsayan bu ‘meydan hareketleri’, kolektif eylemler ve toplumsal hareketlerde niteliksel bir değişim ve dönüşümün ifadesi olarak görülebilirler mi? Bu hareketler, toplumsal hareketler literatüründe genel olarak ‘eski’ ve ‘yeni’ toplumsal hareketler olarak kategorize edilen ve birbirinden oldukça farklı özellikler taşıyan hareketler ile ne tür devamlılıklara ve farklılıklara sahiptir? Toplumsal hareketlerin analizi için önerilen ana akım kuramlar meydan hareketlerini anlamamızda yeterli bir kılavuz olabilirler mi? Mevcut çalışma bu soruları ele alıyor. Meydan hareketlerinin niteliğini ortaya koymak üzere bu hareketler ile ‘eski’ ve ‘yeni’ toplumsal hareketler arasındaki süreklilik/kopuş ilişkilerine odaklanan çalışmanın ilk bölümünde, meydan hareketlerinin her iki tür hareketle önemli paralellikler taşımakla birlikte, aynı zamanda her iki hareket türünden de önemli ölçüde farklılaştığı gösteriliyor. Bu hareketler, ‘eski’ toplumsal hareketlere benzer bir şekilde hâkim siyasi ve ekonomik yapılara yönelik kararlı bir direnişi ifade etmekle birlikte, eski toplumsal hareketlerden farklı olarak ne belli bir sınıfsal aidiyete sahip özgürleştirici bir toplumsal ajan olma iddiasını taşımakta, ne de bununla da ilintili olarak taleplerini ve karşı çıktıkları mevcut düzenin yerine getirmek istedikleri düzeni eski hareketler gibi net bir şekilde formüle etmekteler. Diğer taraftan, geniş hegemonik yapılara itirazla sınırlı kalmayıp, çok çeşitli toplumsal huzursuzluk ve talepleri dile getirmeleri ve sınıfsal aidiyetin dışında farklı aidiyetlere sahip toplumsal grupları içermeleri bakımından yeni toplumsal hareketlere benzemekteler. Ancak, yeni toplumsal hareketlerin aksine yalnızca tikel taleplerin etrafında örgütlenen tikel mücadelelere dönüşmemekte ve böylece kurumsal sistemin kendilerini kolaylıkla absorbe etmesine izin vermemekteler. Meydan hareketlerini karakterize eden en önemli özelliklerden birisi, hem eski hem de yeni toplumsal hareketlerin tersine, çok çeşitli toplumsal talepleri dile getirme ve böylelikle oldukça heterojen kitleleri harekete geçirme kabiliyetine sahip olmalarıdır. Meydan hareketlerinin nasıl analiz edilebileceği sorusuna odaklanan çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde, toplumsal hareket literatürüne hâkim toplumsal hareket kuramlarının meydan hareketleri gibi mevcut hegemonik yapılara karşı çıkan ve birbirinden farklı pek çok toplumsal grubu içeren hareketlerin dinamiklerini anlamamamızı sağlayacak kavramsal araçlara sahip olmadığı tartışılıyor. Ardından, Ernesto Laclau tarafından son yıllarda geliştirilen ‘popülizm’ kavramsallaştırmasının, meydan hareketlerinin analizine, bu hareketlerin kendine özgü dinamiklerini anlamamız açısından, önemli katkılarda bulunacağı gösteriliyor.

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Recently some societies witnessed the emergence of anti-systemic popular mobilizations that adopted the occupation of city squares as the main form of collective action. Do these city square movements, which include the Indignation movement in Spain, the Aganaktismenoi movement in Greece, the popular mobilizations called Arab Spring, the Occupation movement in Europe and the US, and the Gezi movement in Turkey, signify a qualitative transformation in social movements? What is the relation of continuity and change between these square movements and the ‘old’ and ‘new’ social movements? To what extent can mainstream social movement theories help us in understanding these movements? The present study addresses these questions. Focusing on the relation of continuity and change between city square movements and ‘old’ and ‘new’ movements in the first part of the study, it demonstrates that, despite certain continuities, city square movements considerably differ from both types of movements. Although they have some similarities with the old movements in the sense of expressing a resistance to the hegemonic economic structures, they, unlike the old movements, do not conceive working class as the single revolutionary agent of radical change. In opposing to broad hegemonic structures, they, like new social movements, voice different social demands of various social groups. Yet, unlike new social movements, city square movements are not particular movements emerged around particular social demands, resisting in this way to be easily absorbed by the existing systems. The most important characteristic of city square movements is that they, in contrast to both old and new social movements, express various social demands and, in this way, mobilize heterogeneous masses. The second part of the study addresses the question of how to analyze city square movements. After demonstrating how mainstream social movement theories fail to provide an adequate conceptual framework within which to understand the dynamics of these movements, it is argued that Ernesto Laclau’s conceptualization of populism has much to offer to analysis of city square movements. Unlike mainstream social movement theories, Laclau’s theory of populism casts analytical light on the issue of mobilization of divergent groups with various particular demands against the status quo

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