Weber ideal tip kavramı ile ilk olarak tipoloji oluşturmuş sosyolojik araştırmalarında ideal-tip kavramsallaştırmasını yöntem olarak çok sık kullanmıştır. Weber’le birlikte Le Bras, Allport, Troeltsch ideal-tipleştirmeyi kullanmış, Türk sosyal bilimciler arasında Mardin, Taplamacıoğlu, Kırbaşoğlu da Türk toplumu üzerinden birer tipoloji denemesinde bulunmuş. Günay da Almanya’da yaşayan Türk işçileri üzerine bir dindarlık tipolojisi geliştirir. Günay, Türk işçileri için üç tip kullanmaktadır. O, birincisini geleneksel dindarlık çerçevesinde gelişen ‘Geleneksel Halk Dindarlığı’, ikincisini “Radikal İslamcı Eğilimler”, Üçüncüsünü ise “Seküler Dindarlık” olarak sınıflandırmaktadır. Günay’a göre, ‘Geleneksel Halk Dindarlığı’ Türk işçi toplulukları içerisinde yaygın bir şekilde bulunur. Bu dindarlık biçiminde bireysel ve entelektüel dindarlık boyutları oldukça zayıftır. İkici gruptakileri Günay, ‘Radikal İslamcı Eğilimler’ tipolojisi olarak isimlendirmektedir. Bu gruptakilerde anti-laik, anti modern eğilim ve söylemlere rast gelinmektedir. Modernleşmeye uyum sağlayamamış tipik bir Batı karşıtlığını esas alan tepkisel oluşumların Avrupa’da uzantısı olduğunu vurgular. Günay, üçüncü tipolojide olanları ‘Seküler Yönelimler Tipolojisi’ olarak isimlendirmektedir. Bu gruptakiler, dini bireysel bir olgu olarak yaşayan kitledir. Din, bu gruptakiler açısından kültürel bir aidiyeti ve Avrupa değerleri burada yaşayanlar üzerinde etkilidir. Bu grup üzerinde din hem bilişsel düzeyde hem de sosyal düzeyde belirleyiciliğini yitirmektedir. Bu çalışma, din sosyolojisi araştırmalarında anlamayı kolaylaştıran ideal-tip kavramına vurgu yapmaktadır. Makalenin amacı, Ünver Günay tarafından Batı Avrupa’ya işçi göçü sonucu giden Türk işçilerinin dini anlayışlarını çözümlemek için oluşturulan ideal-tiplerin kaynağını, diğer ideal-tiplerle olan benzerliklerini incelemektir. Çalışmada, betimleme ve eleştirel analiz yöntemi esas alınmaktadır. Bu çalışma, diasporada yaşayan Müslüman göçmenleri anlamak için bilimsel çalışmalara ve yeni tipoloji oluşumuna katkı sunacaktır.

Weber often used the ideal-type conceptualization as a method in his sociological research. Ideal-types facilitate the determination of the relationship between cultural values and related issues. The most important aspect of the ideal-type conceptualisation is that the social scientist leaves aside his or her own individual judgments. Religiosity has been made the topic of ideal-typologies by both foreign and domestic social scientists. Religiosity is a matter that is expressed in a different way from the secular behavior and is practically vital. Therefore, it has observable features. Weber, Mensching Gabriel Le Bras, G. Allport, Troeltsch all used this method. Among Turkish social scholars, Mardin, Taplamacıoğlu and Kırbaşoğlu have also tried a typology on Turkish society. Mardin makes a distinction between the Islam adopted by the state administrators or the elite and that of the people. Taplamacıoğlu finds five classes: Unofficial, Administrative Divine, Religious Whole Ornamental Group, Divine Quarter, Sofia Quartz. Kırbaşoğlu develops the concept of 'Catechism Religiosity'. It examines the concept of 'Catechism Religosity' by dividing it into six parts. It is in the form of 'depthless religiosity', 'narrowed servitude', 'formative-mechanical religiosity', 'anachronistic religiosity', 'male dominant' and 'adult centered religiosity', 'psychopathological religiosity'. Kanık evaluated the religios attitudes and behaviors of Turkish young people born in Germany in three types. He was inspired by Günay’s work. According to the study, the first type is the ‘Secular Euro-Islamic Religiosity’, which sees Germany as its own homeland, in secular character. They continue their life integrated in this framework. Secondly, there is a group that believes that Islam and Muslims can rise economically and socially with a success that will take place in the political arena. These groups are defined as 'Political-Islamic Religiosity'. In the third group are those who are far from the political and secular mindsets, and who deeply understand Islam and its teachings. The typology in which the young people in this group are found is called 'Intellectual-Spiritual Religiosity'. Günay uses three types. He categorizes the first as 'Traditional Folk Religiosity' which develops in the frame of traditional religiosity, the second as 'Radical Islamist Tendencies' and the third as 'Secular Religiosity'. According to Gunay, ‘Traditional Folk Religion’ is widespread among Turkish workers’ communities. He lists the characteristics of this religiosity as follows. It is nourished from knowledge of catechism and verbal culture. Therefore, the emotional, mystical, charismatic, mythological, ceremonial, and symbolic aspects of a strong form of religiosity emerges. In this form of piety, the dimensions of individual and intellectual piety are rather weak. The other group Günay calls 'Radical Islamist Tendencies' typology. These groups are reminiscent of the Haricîs, who were the first Islamic sects. In fact, according to him, in these groups anti-secular, anti-modern tendencies and rhetoric have emerged as a result of some migrants’ incompatibility with the mainstream society. A typical anti-Western sentiments as the basis because of not adapting to modernization in Europe. These groups provide solidarity in Europe by positing themselves as examplars of ethnic and religious identities. According to Günay, the most basic emphasis of this group is the religious ideological and political direction. Within themselves, these homogeneous groups are also subject to various regulations by the researchers. Günay calls the third typology ' Secular Religiosity’. Religion as a cultural belonging is the essential aspect of this group. Religion develops a practice of living away from normative, identifiable constructs. Therefore, the community is completely removed from mosque-centered religious practices. European values affect this group’s attitudes. In this group, it is undoubtedly the most important point that Günay draws attention to that the beliefs and norms of the Islamic religion should be interpreted in the context of universal morality by reducing secondary values. Traditional beliefs and norms are left at the margins and are reduced to a cultural form. Religion loses its determinism regarding both cognitive and social life. Along with immigration to Europe from the 1960s, the patterns of Islamic practice are changing and new forms of religiosity are emerging. According to Gunay, the form of religiosity that changes with migration is a course that develops from 'Migrant Islam' to 'European Islam.' A new Islamic interpretation and Muslims are born in Europe. In this context, the concepts of 'European Islam' and 'European Muslim' are emerging. In this context, Günay explains different forms of Islam in different ethnic backgrounds living in Europe. According to Gunay, the dominant religious characters of the Muslim population living in different countries of Western Europe today are identified by the greatest number of different ethnicities of Muslims. So, the European Islamic model is considered as a mosaic instead of a homogeneous understanding of Islam. He emphasizes their differences from one another. Therefore he adds an ethnic dimension to European Islam.