Tuğal’s Gramscian perspective, operate independently of one another, Tuğal’s claim is not tested in the trademark rigor of his earlier work. Consider the following quote from chapter four: “Lacking political organizations that tied them together, the Egyptian working and middle classes went their own ways once their fleeting coalition fulfilled its immediate goal (toppling the dictator) and thereby avoided the arduous task of cross-cultural communication, which becomes even more burdensome in the absence of multiclass political organizations. Both classes would pay a dear price for their lack of interest in each other’s concerns in the coming years.” How do we know that the problem is the absence of political organizations rather than social or cultural ones? Tuğal’s specific argument here is based on a comparison with Tunisia, but even supposing that a single comparison can establish anything, what is established is the possibility, not the necessity, of overcoming divisions via work in political society. There just might be other ways. And even if political society turns out to be the absolutely necessary proximate cause, such an effective political society can itself ultimately be the product of a dense and lively civil society, a possibility Tuğal never considers even though the quote above begs for it