GAMBİYA’DA, ZİMBABVE’DE VE TOGO’DA ÜÇÜNCÜ DÜNYA CUMHURBAŞKANLIĞI: JAMMEH, MUGABE VE EYADAMALAR YÖNETİMİ

Uzun zamanlı Cumhurbaşkanlıkları Sahra Altı Afrika devletlerinin en belirgin özelliklerinden biridir. Beşer yıllık iki dönemden toplamda en az on yıl görevde kalabilen Cumhurbaşkanları yönetici konumlarını iki şekilde haklı göstermişlerdir. Birincisi, kolonyal dönemde liderlikleri altında geçen bağımsızlık mücadelesini öne sürmüşlerdir. Bu daha çok Sahra Altı Afrika ülkelerinin postkolonyal dönemlerindeki ilk Cumhurbaşkanlarında gözlemlenmektedir. İkincisi ise kendilerinden önceki yönetimlerin neden olduğu siyasi ve ekonomik istikrarsızlığa son verdiklerini düşünmüşlerdir. Bu da daha çok Sahra Altı Afrika ülkelerinin postkolonyal dönemlerindeki ikinci ve sonrasındaki Cumhurbaşkanlarında gözlemlenmiştir. İki durumda da Cumhurbaşkanları halka siyasi ve ekonomik refah sözü vermiş, ancak bu sözlerini tam anlamıyla yerine getiremedikleri gibi yönetimlerinde otoriter eğilimler ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu çalışma Sahra Altı Afrika’da uzun zamanlı Cumhurbaşkanlığı ile bu otoriter yapılı siyasaların eklemlendiği üçüncü dünya devleti teorisi ile bağ kurarak Gambia’da Yahya Jammeh, Zimbabwe’de Robert Mugabe, Togo’da Gnassingbé-Faure Eyadéma yönetimlerini incelemektedir. Bu bağlamda çalışma söz konusu üç uzun zamanlı Cumhurbaşkanını ülkelerindeki üçüncü dünya devletinin şekillenmesinde baş aktörler olarak kabul etmektedir.  

THIRD WORLD PRESIDENCIES IN THE GAMBIA, ZIMBABWE AND TOGO: THE RULE OF JAMMEH, MUGABE AND THE EYADÉMAS

Long lasting presidencies are one of the most significant characteristics of the postcolonial state nature in Sub-Saharan Africa. Presidents who ruled more than two terms with five years each by staying in power at least ten years justified their right to long lasting rule in two ways. In the first one, they claimed that it is their right to be the president by referring to the leadership role they assumed in the colonial struggle given against colonizers. This was more valid for the first presidents of the postcolonial period in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the second one, they thought it was their right to long lasting rule because they regarded themselves as the leaders who ended the political and economic instability caused by the former government members. This was rather observed in the aftermath of the first presidential term in postcolonial Sub-Saharan Africa. Even though presidents in two situations pledges political and economic welfare to people, segments of authoritarianism in their administration appeared by time. This study tends to analyze the authoritarian administrations of Yahya Jammeh in the Gambia, Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Gnassingbé- Faure Eyadéma in Togo by linking the concept of long lasting presidencies to the Third World state theory. In this context, this study regards these three long lasting presidents as the shapers of the Third world state in their own countries.

___

  • Abushouk, A. I. (2016). The Arab Spring. Digest of Middle East Studies. Volume 25. No. 1. 52–69
  • ACSS Special Report. (2011). Africa and the Arab Spring: A new era of Democratic Expectations. Washington: American Center for Strategic Studies.
  • Ajami, F. (2012). The Arab Spring at One: A Year of Living Dangerously. Foreign Affairs. Vol. 91, No. 2. 56-65.
  • Arasa, B & Falk, R. (2015). Authoritarian ‘geopolitics’ of survival in the Arab Spring. Third World Quarterly. Vol. 36, No. 2. 322–336
  • Avina, J. (2013). The Evolution of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the Arab Spring. Middle East Journal. Vol. 67, No. 1. 77-92.
  • Ayoob, M. (1989). Third World in system of states: Acute Schizophrenia or Growing Pains. International Studies Quarterly. Vol.33, No.1. 67-69
  • Banjo, A. (2008). The Politics of Succession Crisis in West Africa: The case of Togo. International Journal on World Peace. Vol.25, No.2. 33-55
  • Barkan, J. D. (2006). Democracy in Africa: What Future ?. Ohio. Ohio University Press.
  • Bellin, E. (2002). Reconsidering the Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Lessons from the Arab Spring. Comparative Politics. Vol. 44, No. 2. 127-149.
  • Brownlee, J. (2007). Hereditary Succession in Modern Autocracies. World Politics. Vol.59, No.4. 595-628.
  • Cassidy, R. & Leach, M. (2009). Science, Politics and the Presidential AIDS cure. African Affairs.Vol.108, No.433. 559-580.
  • Dashwood, H. (2002). Mugabe, Zimbabwe, and Southern Africa: The Struggle for Leadership. International Journal. Vol.57, No.1. pp.78-100.
  • Doomen, J. (2013). Political Stability after the Arab Spring. Sociological Forum. Vol. 28, No. 2. 399-408
  • Edie, C. J. (2000). Democracy in the Gambia: Past, Present, and Prospect for the Future. Africa development. Vol.25, No: 3/4. 161-198.
  • Ellis, S. (1993). Rumor and Power in Togo: Journal of the International African Institute. Vol.63, No.4. 462-476.
  • Graf, W. (1995). The state in the Third World. The Socialist Register. 140-160
  • Greene, B. W. (1980). Definition of the term Third World. Boston College Third World Law Journal.Vol.1, No.1, 13-35
  • Heilbrun, J. R. (1993). Social Origins of National Conferences in Benin and Togo. The Journal of Modern African Studies.Vol.31, No.2. 277-299.
  • Howard-Hassman, E.R. (2010). Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, 2000-2009: Massive Human rights violations and the failure to protect. Human Rights Quarterly. Vol.32, No.4. 898-920.
  • Iwata, T. (2000). La conférence nationale souveraine et la démocratisation au Togo du point de vue de la société civile. Afrique et Developpement. Vol.25, No :3/4. 135-160.
  • Jones, P. (2012). The Arab Spring: Opportunities and implications. International Journal. Vol. 67, No. 2. 447-463.
  • Jones, S. G. (2013). The Mirage of the Arab Spring: Deal With the Region You Have, Not the Region You Want. Foreign Affairs. Vol. 92, No. 1. 55-63.
  • Koo, H. (1984). World systems, class and Third World development toward integrative framework of political economy. Sociological Perspectives. Vol.27, No.1. 33-52
  • Kuhn, R. (2012). On the Role of Human Development in the Arab Spring. Population and Development Review. Vol. 38, No. 4. 649-683
  • Magyar, K. (1995). Classifying the international political economy: A Third World proto theory. Third World Quarterly. Vol.16, No.4. 703-716.
  • Miller, J. D. B. (1966). The politics of the Third World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Muvingi, I. (2008). The Politics of Entitlement and State Failure in Zimbabwe. Peace Research. Vol.40, No.1.77-101.
  • Olugbade, K. (1989). State of the state in the Third World. Michigan: Michigan University Press.
  • Reno, W. (2000). Clandestine economies, violence and states in Africa. Journal of International Affairs. Vol.53.No.2, 433-459
  • Rotberg, R. (2008). Africa’s Mess, Mugabe’s Mayhem. Foreign Affairs. Vol.79, No.5. 47-61.
  • Saine, A. (2008). The Gambia’s 2006 Presidential Election: Change or Continuity? African Studies Review. Vol.51, No.1. 59-83.
  • Sanyal, K. V. (1988). Accumulation, poverty, state in the Third World: Capital-Precapital Complex. Economic and Political Weekly.Vol.23, No.5. 27-30.
  • Shaw, W. (2002). They stole our land: Debating the expropriation of white farmers in Zimbabwe. The Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol.41, No.1. 75-89.
  • Wiseman, J. A. (1996). Military Rule in the Gambia: An Interim Assessment. Third