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• 1 Gerber, Haim. Economy and Society in An Ottoman City: Bursa 1600-1700, The Hebrew University, (Jerusalem, 1988), p. 21.
• 2 Ibid, pp. 2-3.
• 3 On the subject of Ottoman women rights see, Kurt, Abdurrahman, Bursa Sicillerine Göre Osmanlı Ailesi (1839–1876), Uludağ Üniversitesi (Bursa, 1998); Gerber, Haim, “Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa 1600-1700”, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (3), 1980.
• 4 Ibid, p. 232.
• 5 “Polygynie” Encyclopedia Britannica (hereafter E. B), vol. 18, (U.S.A., 1970), p. 201.
• 6 Ibid, p. 201.
• 7 De Vaux, Roland, O.P., Ancient Israel, tr. Jolin McHugh, (London, 1998), p. 24; Genesis, 2/21-24.
• 8 The Quranic verse related to the validity of marriage from one to four women is this: “If you are afraid of that you could not observe the rights of orphans, receive two, three, four from the women you liked (that are legitimate for you). If you fear that you do injustice, receive one or be content with what you have possessed. This is the most suitable for you not to depart from justice.” Nisa, 4/3.
• 9 Matta, 19/6.
• 10 Nebe’, 78/8.
• 11 Ebu Davud, Taharet, 9-1; Tirmizi, Taharet, 82.
• 12 Bakara, 2/I87.
• 13 Rum, 30/21; see Sayyid Matlub Husayn, Evolution of Social Institutions in Islam, During First Century of Hijrah, (Lahore, 1986), pp. 208-9.
• 14 Duben, Alan & Behar, Cem, Istanbul Households, Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 148.
• 15 Jennings, Ronald, “Some thoughts on the Ghazi-thesis,” Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morganlandes, Vol. 76, 1986, p. 153.
• 16 Aşikpaşazade, Aşıkpaşazade Tarihi, N. Atsiz (ed.), (Istanbul, 1970), p. 66.
• 17 See Kurt, Abdurrahman, Bursa Sicillerine Göre Osmanlı Ailesi (1839–1876), Uludağ Üniversitesi, (Bursa, 1998), pp.18–9.
• 18 Kınalızade Ali Efendi, Ahlâk-ı Alâî, Bulak Matbaası 1248 (1833), 2. Kitap, s. 23; Devlet ve Aile Ahlâkı, haz. Ahmet Kahraman, 1001 Temel Eser, s.48; “Đlm-i Tedbirü’l-Menzil”, Sosyo-Kültürel Değişme Sürecinde Türk Ailesi, T.C. Başbakanlık Aile Araştırma Kurumu, (Ank. 1992), s.931; Ayşe Sıdıka Oktay, Kınalızâde Ali Efendi ve Ahlâk-ı Alâî, Đz Yayıncılık, (Đst. 2005), s. 356.
• 19 Ö. Ozankaya, Laiklik Öncesi Dönemde Şemseddin Sami'nin Aile Düzenine Đlişkin Görüşleri, pp. 126-7.
• 20 For the sexual life in menopause period see Arısan, Kazim, Kadın Hastalıkları (Jinokoloji),(Istanbul, 1983), pp. 110, 114, 119.
• 21 Mahmud Esad, Taaddüd-ü Zevcat, Malümat Library, (Konstantiniyye,1316/1898), pp. 24-9.
• 22 Fatma Aliye, Mahmud Esad, Taaddüd-ii Zevcat, Postface, Malümat Library, (Konstantiniyye, 1317/1899), pp. 10-3.
• 23 Đbid, pp.16-9.
• 24 See Ahmed Midhat, Paris’te Bir Türk, (Istanbul,1283/1866), p. 160.
• 25 Ahmed Midhat, Jön Türk, (Istanbul, 1287/1871), pp. 66–7.
• 26 Celal, Nuri, Kadınlarımız, Matbaa-i Đctihad, (Istanbul, 1331/1915). We know that similar practices were realised by the second Caliph Omer. It is explicitly known that Omer made radical decisions about such issues as divorce, müellefe-i kulub, and marriage. One of those is related to Huzeyfe b. el-Yaman. Though Qur'an permitted Muslim men to get married non-Muslim women, Omer asked Huzeyfe, the governor of Medain, to divorce his Jewish wife. “Before carrying out this command, Huzeyfe wrote him a letter and wanted him to inform whether marriage with non-Muslims are legitimate or not. Otherwise, he announced, he would not divorce his wife. Upon this Omer replied as ‘No, this marriage is legitimate. Yet, foreign girls have a delightful talk and they are deceitful; if you accept to get married them, these women become superior over your wives.’ Then, Huzeyfe divorced his wife.” See, Fayda, Mustafa Hz. Omer Zamanında Gayri Muslimler, Istanbul, Marmara University Faculty of Divinity Publ., 1989, p. 117. “It is reliable to get married upon and when married, with the condition of divorcing herself or the second woman, getting married a woman.” Madde: 38. See Aydın, M. Akif, Islam w Osmanlı Aile Hukuku, Marmara University Faculty of Divinity Publ., (Istanbul, 1985), p.249.
• 27 Nuri, op.cit.
• 28 Esad, op.cit., pp.24-29
• 29 Hamidullah, Muhammad, Đslam Peygamberi, trans. M. Said Mutlu, vol. II, Đrfan Publ, (Istanbul, 1966), pp. 719–20.
• 30 Kurt, op.cit., p.87.
• 31 See, Duben & Behar, op.cit., p.151.
• 32 Ibid, p.152.
• 33 About the research see; Kurt, op.cit., p. 86.
• 34 Caporal, Bernard, Kemalizmde ve Kemalizm Sonrasında Türk Kadını (1919-1970), (Ankara: Turkey Labor Bank Culture Publ., 1982) J. Palerne, Peregrinations, (Lyon, 1606), p. 96, cited, p. 128.
• 35 Ahmed Midhat, Mesail-i Muğlaka, (Istanbul, 1316/1898), p. 285.
• 36 Ahmed Midhat, Ahmet Metin ve Şirzad –Yahut- Roman Đçinde Roman, (Istanbul, 1309/1891), pp. 697–8.
• 37 Fatma Aliye, Nisvan-ı Islam, (Istanbul, 1309/1898), p. 88; Taaddiid-ü Zevcat, Potface, p. 160.
• 38 For table showing polygamy percents see, Kurt, op.cit., p. 88.
• 39 Ibid., pp. 92, 93.
• ∗ “Kuma gemisi yürümüş, elti gemisi yürümemiş.” ∗ Such adjectives as “hanım”, “hatun”, “kadın” (for example, Hatice Gülnar Kadın) were used only for high status women. If we remind that the word “hanım” is derived from the title “han” that used to be given to Turkish rulers, the richness of its meaning, and the prestige and the elegance that the word included appears more explicitly. ∗∗ In the Ottomans, if the first of two names of a woman started out with Şerife, this refers to that she descended from the generations of Prophet. In males, the title Seyyid (like es-Seyyid Ahmed) was expressing it.
• 40 See, Appendix I.
• 41 See, Appendix II.
• ∗∗∗ at that times the price of one sheep was 100 kurush.
• 42 Judicial Records of Bursa, B 20/209 64b.
• ∗ “ Dûzen olan evde düzen olmaz” ∗∗ “Đki eceli kuzu sütten, iki ayalli adam bitten ölür”.
• 43 Even in such cities of Internal Anatolia as Kayseri and Harput, which seem to be more conservative in comparison to Bursa, women did not accept a partner into the family and wanted to divorce their husbands in such instances. According to the judicial records of Kayseri dated 1546, a wealthy woman called Bağdat told in the court that “My husband Hızır Bali got married a girl after me. I don’t accept this marriage on me. Let him divorce me”. Upon this reaction her husband proposed that “let her sell the permission for divorce”. And the woman obtained the chance of divorce by means of hul’, that is by giving a basin, a tray, half of the vineyards she possessed, and all of her mehri mueccel. See, Judicial Records, Kayseri 4 (132) numbered record, Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, vol. I, (Istanbul, 1998), p. 282.
• 44 In the judicial record of Harput, with 181/4 (1) number, dated 1631, Sefer’s son Hacı Mustafa stated that his daughter Fatma had been engaged with the person, whose name was Mevlüd, for a few years. However, during this time, Mevlüd got married to another woman but said that he would keep Fatma, too. But Fatma broke off the engagement by shouting out to the court official coming to her house with the witnesses that “My father tied my skirt to a brush (my father put me in a difficulty I am the representative of my own. Nobody is my representative to marry me. I’m not going to marry Mevlüd. 1 received and gave up my greeting from the friends and the relatives. About this issue, 1 appointed Karabaş Mehmed as my representative. Whomever I agree with, he will make my marriage contract”. Again according to the Court Records of Harput, 181/6 (3), dated 1631, another young girl named Şahiye who broke off her engagement because she did not want to share with another woman and said that “he already has a wife, I can’t go to him as a partner”. As far as understood, Şahiye became engaged on her father’s wish. Without knowing the person whom she would marry, she received a horse worth14 kurush, as the gift of engagement. When she learnt the truth, she returned the gift and did not accept becoming a second wife. See, Ibid, p. 263.
• 45 For the mentioned practices see; Kurt, op.cit., pp. 71-82.
• 46 Judicial Records of Bursa, C 94/666 24b.