Ömer Demirok

3312

Değişken Altbiçimlenmeye Çizgilesellik-dışı Engeller

Değişken altbiçimlenmenin (örn: İngilizcede better sözcüğünün *good+er biçimini engellemesi), bir çeşit yerellik ilkesine uyduğu yaygın olarak gözlemlenmiştir. Fakat, bu yerellik ilkesinin çizgisel (İng. linear) mi yapısal mı olduğu tartışmaya açıktır (Embick, 2010; Bobaljik, 2012; cf. Moskal and Smith, 2015). Bu çalışma, en çok Türkiye’de konuşulan tehlike altındaki Güney Kafkas dili Lazcada, kökte altbiçimlenme örneklerini inceleyerek bu tartışmaya katkı sunmayı hedeflemektedir. Lazcadaki her kökte altbiçimlenme durumunda, kökün altbiçimlenmesini koşullayan biçimbirimle kök bitişik olmak zorundadır. Ayrıca, Lazca değişken altbiçimlenmede çizgisellik-dışı engelleme olarak adlandırılacak kısıtlar göstermektedir: Bir önek, bir sonekin kökte altbiçimbirim koşullamasını engelleyebilmektedir. Önemli olarak, bu tip örnekler değişken altbiçimlenmenin uyduğu yerellik ilkesinin salt çizgisel bitişiklik olamayacağına dair kanıt sunmaktadır ve dilbilgisi modelinde biçimbirim seçiminden sorumlu birimin çizgiselleştirilmiş yapılar üzerinde işlem yaptığı fikriyle uyumlu değildir (cf. Embick, 2010).

Non-linear Blocking Effects on Suppletive Allomorphy

It has been widely observed that suppletive allomorphy (e.g., better blocking *good+er in English) respects some form of locality; however, it is still debated if the relevant metric of locality needs to be stated in linear terms or structural terms (Embick, 2010; Bobaljik, 2012; cf. Moskal and Smith, 2015). This study contributes to this debate by investigating the root allomorphy patterns in Laz, an endangered South Caucasian language spoken primarily in Turkey. In each case of root allomorphy in Laz, the root is required to be linearly adjacent to the morpheme that conditions the allomorphy. Moreover, Laz exhibits (what will be called) non-linear blocking effects on allomorphy: Some prefixes can prevent a suffix from conditioning allomorphy on the root. Importantly, this case constitutes evidence that linear adjacency is not a sufficient condition on suppletive allomorphy and is at odds with the view that the domain of grammar responsible for selecting exponents operates on linearized structures (cf. Embick, 2010).
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Dilbilim Araştırmaları Dergisi-Cover
  • ISSN: 1300-8552
  • Yayın Aralığı: Yılda 2 Sayı
  • Başlangıç: 1990
  • Yayıncı: Dilbilim Derneği
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Değişken Altbiçimlenmeye Çizgilesellik-dışı Engeller

Ömer Demirok