Siyasal partilerin büyük çoğunluğunun çoklu çıkarları savunur duruma geldiği siyasal sistemlerde farklı kimliklere, farklı çıkar gruplarına ilişkin toplumsal talepler, beklentiler yönetsel politikalara çok fazla yansıyamaz. Böyle sistemlerde, bir siyasal katılım davranışı olarak seçimlerde oy kullanmak, kendi başına fazla bir değer ifade etmez ve bir siyasal temsil krizi kaçınılmaz olur. 12 Eylül Askeri Darbesi’nin ardından Türkiye’de yaşanan böyle bir siyasal temsil krizi, sivil toplum tartışmalarını gündeme getirmiş, siyasal katılım açısından sivil toplum örgütlerinin önemli roller üstlenebileceği öne sürülmüştür. Ancak, geçen süre içerisinde sivil toplum örgütlerinin faaliyet göstereceği alanın son derece dar bir alan olduğu, yapılan birçok yasal düzenlemeye rağmen bu alanın gelişemediği, kendisini siyasi toplumun etkisinden, baskısından kurtaramadığı gözlenmiştir. Araştırıldığında, bu durumun Osmanlı ’nın toplumsal ve iktisadi yapısına dayanan, uzun bir tarihsel geçmişi olduğu görülür. Weber’in tanımladığı anlamda patrimonyal bir devlet olan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu, sahip olduğu güçlü merkezi otoriteyi sınırlandıracak, sorgulayacak hiçbir oluşuma izin vermemiştir. Bunun yanı sıra, Osmanlı ’nın iktisadi yapısı, sermaye birikimine ve buna bağlı olarak sivil bir alanı oluşturup, geliştirecek bir burjuva sınıfının varlığına olanak tanımamıştır. Toplumsal yaşamın her alanını kuşatan, belirlemeye çalışan bu bürokratik yönetim anlayışı, cumhuriyet döneminde de varlığını sürdürmüş, sivil alanın gelişimine katkı sağlayacak her türlü oluşum, faaliyet devlet için tehdit olarak algılanmıştır. Bu tespitlerden yola çıkılarak tasarlanan çalışmamızda, sivil topluma ilişkin genel bir kuramsal çerçeve çizilmiş ve bu çerçeve içerisinde Osmanlıdan günümüze kadar geçen süre içerisinde sivil alanın yeterince genişleyemeyişinin siyasal, sosyal, ekonomik nedenleri Batı ile karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz edilmiştir.

In political systems where a vast majority of political parties happen to advocate multi interests, social demands and expectations related to various identities and interest groups cannot reflect much to administrative policies. In such systems, voting in elections as political participation behavior does not amount to much by itself, and a political representation crisis becomes inevitable. Such a political representation crisis following the September 12 coup d’eta in Turkey, has brought forward civil society discussions, maintaining the vital role of civil society organisations in terms of political participation. Yet, during the same period, it has been observed that civil society organisations acted in a fairly restricted area, which did not improve despite the codification; nor did it detach itself from the impact and pressure of civil society. If researched, it is seen that such phenomenon has its roots in the social and economic structure of the Ottomans along with a long historical past. As defined by Weber, the Ottomans as a patrimonial state, never allowed any formation which would restrict or question the central authority it had. As in other Islamic societies in the Ottoman Administration also integrates the concepts of religion and state. Of key institutions, laws have created the foundation of Islamic law, religion, social order has gone way over the legal. With this organic link between religion and state religion, the important criteria for qualifications and moved to the state, it has formed. However, when we look at Ottoman power in the discourses and practices, largely focused on the Islamic aspects of equality and justice be seen and that are used. The main ideal of the state is justice. Getting the class, thus causing injustice to property, taken from the understanding of Islam has been solved. "Property belongs to Allah." This approach has the property in the Ottoman Empire, to obtain possession in this world, a mentality which is not approved, shows that such efforts were not welcomed. According to Islam, the state tries to provide justice, economic or political power of individuals not permitted to obtain, so you may disrupt the social order and structure formation were prevented. In this block, the land of the Ottoman era, the most important production tool in the regulation of property has a dominant role. Soil collected from a number of the person in front of the property, subject to centralized management weaknesses that could, might turn away from work The conditions of existence of large powers have been completely eliminated. Land ownership patterns change began 1550'li from the year of economic strictures Anatolia surrounding large unemployed army that has emerged over the years will continue and the country looting rather than turn people haze will Celali Rebellions broke out. Thus, the Empire has begun into settled a vicious cycle and backwardness. All these ups and downs are experienced, do not create a social structure within the bourgeois class, which provides mediation between individuals and the government are specific to non-governmental organization did not occur naturally in some institutions. In this role, they are trying to undertake a degree of order and the guilds. Encompassing every aspect of social life, trying to determine the bureaucratic management approach, also survived the republic era, all civil process that will contribute to the development of the area, activities were perceived as threats to state. September 12, 1980 military coup that occurred in the state's role in society has increased even more, and consequently, the people, political participation, political representation, were squeezed into a narrow range in terms of organization. How to expand this narrow area of discussion related to "civil society" has brought the concept. In the context of this discussion, the role of government in society and this role has drawn attention to the weight of the need to limit the strengthening of civil society have been suggested.