Odaklı birimler genellikle sözdizimsel düzenlilik ve bürün ile belirlenmektedir. Serbest sözdizimine sahip bir dil olan Türkçe odağı işaretlemek için hem sözdizimsel hem de bürünsel bilgiyi kullanmaktadır. Ancak bu dil, eylem-sonu ko-numunda odak işaretlemeye izin vermemektedir. Bu araştırmada bürünsel ve sözdizimsel bilgi kullanılarak Türkçede odağın nörofizyolojik süreçleri incelenmiştir. Günümüz psikodilbilim araştırmaları, bürün ve sözdizim arasında süreç-içi tümce anlamlandırma aşamasında odak aracılığıyla bir etkileşim oluştuğunu varsaymaktadır. Bu çalışma kapsamında anadili Türkçe ve tekdilli Türkçe konuşan, herhangi bir nörolojik, duyma ya da dile özgü bozukluğu bulunmayan 30 ka-tılımcı (19-33 yaş aralığında 16 kadın ve 14 erkek) Elektroensefalografi (EEG) ile ölçüm yapılan deneylerde yer almıştır. Olaya ilişkin potansiyeller (OİP) kullanan bu araştırma, Türkçede bürün ve sözdizim arasındaki geç dönem etkileşimini ortaya koymaktadır. Çalışmanın deneysel deseni bürünsel, sözdizimsel ve bürün-sözdizimsel bozulmalar içermektedir. Katılımcılardan bozuk ve düzgün odaklı tümceleri içeren 300 işitsel uyaranı (100 dolgu uyaranı) dinlemeleri isten-miştir. Uyaranlar her bir deney koşulu için 50 tümceden oluşmaktadır. Tüm kritik sözcükler tümce-sonu konumunda bulunmaktadır. Bürünsel bozulmada kritik sözcüklere eylem-sonu konumunda bozuk odaklama yapılarak, sözdizimsel bozulmada kritik sözcükler durum işaretleme (belirtme durumuna karşı yönelme durumu bozulması) ile bozulmuştur. Bununla birlikte bürün-sözdizim etkileşimine ilişkin bozulmada kritik sözcükler hem bozuk olarak odaklanmış, hem de bozuk durum işaretleme yapılmıştır. Bulgular bürünsel bozulmada beynin arka bölgelerinde sol yarıküreye yanallaşmış geniş yayılımlı bir pozitivite (400-1200 ms) ve sağ ön negativite (RAN) etkisi (300-500 ms) olduğunu göstermektedir. Sözdizimsel bozulma ise çiftyönlü ön negativite (300-500 ms) oluştuğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Bürünsel ve sözdizimsel süreçlerde pozitif 600 (P600) ve Pozitif Kapanma Etkisi’nin (KPE) nöral bütünleşmesinin destekleyici etkisine ulaşıl-mıştır. Bulgular Türkçede tümce-sonu konumunda bürün ve sözdizimi etkileşimine ilişkin günümüz nörobilişsel yakla-şımlarına destek sunmaktadır.

Prosodic Focus Marking in Turkish:An Electrophysiological Study

Focused elements are generally marked with syntactic canonicity and prosody. Being a scrambled language, Turkish uses both syntactic and prosodic information to mark the focus. However, it does not allow for focus marking in post-verbal position. In this study, the neurophysiological processes of the focus in Turkish are examined by using prosodic and syntactic information. Recent psycholinguistics studies assume that there is an interaction between prosody and syntax through the focus in the online sentence comprehension process. Thirty participants (16 female and 14 male between the ages of 19 and 33), whose native language was Turkish and who spoke monolingual Turkish, and who did not have any neurological, hearing, or linguistic impairments, took part in the experiments measured with Electroencephalogram (EEG). Using an event-related potentials (ERPs) design, this study provides evidence for an interaction between prosody and syntax in Turkish. The experimental design of the study consisted of prosodic, syntactic, and prosodic-syntactic violations. Participants were asked to listen 300 auditory stimuli (100 filler sentences) including sentences with both congruent and incongruent focus. The stimuli consisted of 50 sentences for each experimental condition. All critical words occurred in the sentence-final positions. For the prosodic violation critical words were focused via incongruent focusing on post-verbal position, and for the syntactic violation critical words were manipulated with case marking manipulation (i.e., accusative case versus dative case violations). In addition, for the interaction of prosodic and syntactic violations, critical words were incongruent focused and incongruent case was marked. The results revealed that prosodic incongruity elicited a broadly distributed positivity in posterior regions (400-1200 ms) lateralized to the left hemisphere and a right anterior negativity (RAN) (300-500 ms) effect. Syntactic violations also indicated a distributed anterior negativity (300-500 ms) effect. Supportive evidence for the late interaction of prosodic and syntactic processing in the neural integration of positive 600 (P600) and Closure Positive Shift (CPS) was observed. The findings provide support for recent neurocognitive approaches for late interaction between prosody and syntax in the sentence-final position in Turkish sentences.

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