CONSENSUAL HEGEMONY AND THE WEST EUROPEAN PROMOTION OF ORDER IN THE BALKANS

Consensual Hegemony and the West European Promotion of Order in the Balkans

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  • 1. M. Smith, 'The Framing of European Foreign and Security Policy', Journal of European Public Policy 10(4), 2003, p. 559.
  • 2. D. Puchala, Theory and History in International Relations, Routledge, London, 2003.
  • 3. For the purposes of this article the term `Balkans' encompasses Bulgaria, Romania and the countries of the Western Balkans: Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia/Montenegro/Kosovo. Also, the terms `Balkans' and `Southeastern Europe' are used as stylistic variations, regardless of their distinct connotations.
  • 4. For the purposes of clarity the predecessors of the European Union are also encompassed by the term 'EU', mainly to avoid confusion with the abbreviation `EC' — European Commission.
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  • 11. For a full analysis of the pre-1999 EU approaches see: H. Kramer, 'The European Community's Response to the "New Eastern Europe"', Journal of Common Market Studies, 31(2), 1993, pp. 213-244; D. Ailen and M. Smith, 'External Policy Developments', Journal of Common Market Studies, 37(s1), 1993, pp. 87-108; and S. Vucetic, 'The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe as a Security Community Building Institution', Southeast European Politics 2(2), 2001, pp. 109-134.
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  • 15. European Commission, SAP — First Annual Report, COM(2002)163, Brussels, 03/04/2002, p. 6. Although the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe was also officially launched at the same time, very soon it became evident that the SAP is the `centrepiece' of EU's policy to the Western Balkans (see European Commission, 2003, SAP — Second Annual Report, COM(2003)139, Brussels, 26/03/2003).
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  • 19 F. Schimmelfennig, 'International Socialization in the New Europe: Rational Action in an Institutional Environment', European Journal of International Relations, 60 ), 2000, p. 111.
  • 20. See S. Croft, J. Redmond, G.W. Rees and M. Webber, The Enlargement of Europe, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1999.
  • 21. See H. Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1977.
  • 22. See E. Kavalski, 'The International Socialization of the Balkans', Review of International Affairs, 2(4), 2003, pp. 71-88.
  • 23. M. Walzer, Thick and Thin: Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, 1994.
  • 24. See G. Aybet, A European Security Architecture After the Cold War: Questions of Legitimacy, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2000.
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  • 27. K. Deutsch, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1957, p. 5.
  • 28. J. Monnet, Memoirs, trans. by Richard Mayne, Doubleday and Co., Garden City, 1978, p. 289. Emphasis added.
  • 29 K. Deutsch, The Analysis of International Relations, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1978, p. 251.
  • 30. M. Brenner quoted in J. Caporaso, Functionalism and Regional Integration, Sage Professional Papers, London, 1972, p. 26. Emphasis added
  • 31. R. Keohane and J. Nye, `Transgovernmental Relations and international Organizations', World Politics, 27(1), 1974, p. 51.
  • 32. Monnet, op. cit., p. 320.
  • 33. R. Macridis, 'An Anatomy of French Elite Opinion' in K. Deutsch, L. Edinger, R. Macridis and R. Merritt, France, Germany and the Western Alliance: A Study of Elite Attitudes on European Integration and World Politics, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1967, p. 66.
  • 34. L. Edinger, 'Patterns of German Elite Opinion' in ibid., p.150.
  • 35. K. Deutsch, 'A Comparison of French and German Elites in the European Political Environment' in Ibid., p. 247.
  • 36. There is a contention that this might have developed anyways as a result of the Cold War realities. However, the argument of this study is that it was the particular dynamic initiated by the ECSC between West European elites that made possible the emergence of a collective (democratic) security community.
  • 37. Monnet, op. cit., p. 298.
  • 38. Ibid., p. 341.
  • 39. Ibid.,p. 300.
  • 40. A. Spinelli quoted in M. Gazzo, Towards European Union II: Selected Documents, Agence Europe, Brussels, 1986, p. 79. Emphasis original.
  • 41. J. Monnet quoted in F. Fransen, The Supranational Politics of Jean Monnet: Ideas and Origins of the European Community, Greenwood Press, Westport, 2001, p. 12. L. Tindemans quoted in Council of the European Commission, Europe 25 Years after the Signature of the Treaties of Rome, Council of the European Communities, Brussels, 1982, p. 29.
  • 43. S. Lucarelli, 'Peace and Democracy', Report of EAPC 2000/02 Programme, 2002, p. 11. Lucarelli distinguishes between liberal-democratic security community and democratic security community. However, for the purposes of this research such distinction is deemed unnecessary, although that it follows mostly Lucarelli's understanding of the former, rather than the latter type.
  • 44. Deutsch, The Analysis, op. cit., pp. 239-240.
  • 45. Lucarelli, op. cit., p. 15.
  • 46. This model is premised on the decision systems that affect foreign policy-making outlined by Deutsch, The Analysis, op. cit., pp. 117-132. However, it is argued that the current representation is a better reflection of the democratic dynamic of decision-making between the different levels of actors (which Deutsch represents as cascading channels of communication); thence, giving an improved illustration of the strategic interactions in policy-formulation.
  • 47. A. Kozhemiakin, Expanding the Zone of Peace? Democratization and International Security, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1998, p. 21.
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  • 50. Deutsch, The Analysis, op. cit., p. 251.
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  • 53. D. Ailen, `West European Responses to Change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe' in R. Rummel (ed.), Toward a Political Union: Planning a Common Foreign and Security Policy in the European Community, Westview Press, Boulder, 1992, pp. 117-118.
  • 54. P. Howe, `Insiders and Outsiders in a Community of Europeans: A Reply to Kostakopoulou', Journal of Common Market Studies, 35(2), 1997, p. 314.
  • 55. Adler and Bamett, `Governing Anarchy', p. 89.
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  • 58. O. Wnver, 'The EU as a Security Actor' in M. Kelstrup and M. Williams, eds., International Relations Theory and the Politics of European Integration, Routledge, London, 2000, p. 279.
  • 60. European Commission, European Council Conclusions, 00300/94, Essen, 10/12/1994, p. 4. Emphasis added.
  • 61. European Commission (2000), Strategic Objectives 2000-2005, COM(2000)154, Brussels, 09/02/2000, p. 5. Emphasis added.
  • 62. C. Patten, 'A European Foreign Policy: Ambition and Reality' , Paris, 15 June 2000, SPEECH/00/219.
  • 63. E. Regelsberger, P. de Schouteete de Tervarent and W. Wessels, eds., Foreign Policy of the European Union, Lynne Rienner, Boulder, 1997.
  • 64. M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. by A. Sheridan, Vintage, New York, 1979, p. 296.
  • 65. EC, First Annual Report, p. 11.
  • 66. J. Solana, Intervention' at the Conference on Organised Crime in Southeast Europe, London, 25 November 2002 at _____http://ue.eu.int/pressdata/EN/discours/73343.pdf > [Accessed on 1 August 2003].
  • 67. Adler, op. cit., p. 180.
  • 68 International Herald Tribune, 'The EU and the Balkans Need Each Other', 22 May 2003. Emphasis added. 69 Southeast European Times, 'Informal Meeting of Balkan PMs', 31 July 2003. 7() Focus, `Meeting of Balkan Presidents', 13 July 2003. 71 EC, Second Annual Report, op. cit., p. 39. Emphasis added.
  • 72 European Commission, Explaining Europe's Enlargement, COM(2002)281, Brussels, 05/06/2002, p. 5.
  • 73 On other security shortcomings see R. Stefanova, 'New Security Challenges in the Balkans', Security Dialogue, 34(2), 2003, pp. 169-482.
  • 74 For a recent analysis of the 'inclusion-exclusion' dynamic see M. Webber, S. Croft, J. Howorth, T. Terriff and E. Krahmann, 'The Governance of European Security', Review of International Studies, 30 (1), 2004, pp. 3-26.