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Meral ŞEKER a*, Ayça DİNÇERa

Çukurova University, School of Foreign Languages, Adana/Turkey

Learners who are exposed to a new and different culture in the context of foreign

language learning are viewed as reflective agents in the continuous process of identity

reformation (Pavlenko and Lantolf, 2000). Course books, which are one of the main

sources of target language and culture input, have a great impact in the formation of

pragmatic competence and the development of relational identity. However, in the

process of cultural transfer throughout course books in foreign language learning, the

imposition of gender stereotyping may accompany other pragmatic traits of the target

culture and interfere with the formation of relational identity. In this respect, the aim

of this study is to identify implicit indications of gender role stereotyping in English

teaching course books texts used for Turkish learners. The data gathered from four

widely used English language course books and was analyzed using detailed textual

analysis (Fairclough, 2003) so as to identify and categorize stereotyped roles for

females and males. The findings depict the implicit gender roles in course books and

outline the relationship between the elements of linguistic features of texts and the

way they function in reinforcing gender stereotyping. Introduction

The need for a more social and critical linguistics which focuses on language use and language as

action and communication in social and cultural contexts was one of the main factors in the emergence

of pragmatics. Unlike Chomskyan linguistic view, pragmatic point of view perceives language as situated

in relation to its users who are “more than producers of linguistic forms”(Duranti, 2001, p.5). Pragmatics

addresses language users from a broad perspective including specific societal factors such as schools,

families, which are considered to have fundamental impact on the speakers. Languages are created by

human interaction, and thus should be referred in relation to its users’ contexts (Mey, 2001; Delen and

Tavil, 2010). These social and cultural contexts of use are not static but dynamic and meshed in the

continually changing surroundings where speakers live and interact (Mey, 2001). Situating language in its users’ contexts encompasses the forms of language and the forms

associated with the dominant and, at the same time, subordinate social categories. Philips (2004)

emphasizes the creation and reproduction of inequality through language. The author suggests four key

areas in this development: “language use and the regulations of turns in bureaucratic settings, including

classrooms, courtrooms, clinics; gender and language, with a focus on the inequalities created through

men’s greater involvement in public genres of discourse; language and political economy and

inequalities created by lack of prestige amongst the economically disadvantaged; language and

colonialism and the impact of colonial cultural systems on the language and the culture of the colonized” (p.476).

Corresponding author:sekerm@cu.edu.tr

Literature Review The reflection of gender identity Gender identity, as one of the components of individual identity, determines ‘female’ roles for

women and ‘male’ roles for men. These roles constitute the behaviors, attitudes, interests and skills that

a culture considers appropriate for males and females. Like the other features of identity, gender

identity and the roles it attaches to individuals are not stable but dynamic. The interference by every

culture to assign particular traits to these dynamic roles is referred to as ‘gender stereotyping’ (Mkuchu,

2004). The assumption underlying stereotyping is that the associated attributes of men apply to all men

and those of women apply to all women. This female-male differentiation is the result of both

environmental influences and the identity, concepts, preferences, skills, personal attitudes and

behaviors individuals develop starting from their childhood consistent with the definitions of genders in

the individual’s culture (Arslan, 2000).

The images of male and female identities in societies are shaped and reflected frequently by the

help of media, education, traditions, norms and other societal regulations (Coates, 1986). As de Beavoir

(1953) emphasizes, people are not born as women but they are raised as women. Although there are

relative differences among cultures in respect to gender equality and its reflections in societal

regulations, researchers mostly agree that males are attributed predominant roles compared to females

in almost all cultures.

Research in the field of discourse has revealed many examples of this inequality (e.g. Coates, 1986;

Helinger & Bussmann, 2001; Poulou, 1997). For instance, the study conducted by Akünal (1998) ideology

in media discourse indicated that media presents the image of women as having subservient status

when compared to the image of men. Compiling and analyzing samples of television advertisements

based on critical discourse analysis, the researcher concludes that the women are reflected as having

certain, traditional stereotypes with an image that has subservient roles, such as looking after children

and husbands, cooking, or tidying up and that these images are reinforced by the media by producing

and underlining the role-appropriate behaviors tailored to women in the society. Gender stereotyping in Turkish language Language is commonly viewed as the symptom of social inequality rather than being the reason for

such inequality. Genders are attributed specific roles within cultures and these roles are maintained,

shaped and transferred through language. As any other language, Turkish language conveys the

reflection of gender stereotyping. The dictionary published by official Turkish Language Institution

reveals the stereotypes tailored to males and females in Turkish culture. The study conducted by

Cubukcu, Esme and Ilerten (2009) attempted to analyze how the images of female and male population

are reflected by lexemes used in Essential Turkish Dictionary (TDK, 2005). Scanning the lexemes that

directly portray female and male population, it was indicated that the Essential Turkish Dictionary

reflects males predominant over females both quantitatively and qualitatively regarding social status,

sexuality, physical appearance and reproduction. Gender stereotyping and foreign language learning As one of the most influential device in the imposition of the normative expectations of a society,

education aids each generation to take over the process of cultural accumulation from where the

previous generation has left (Tasmajian, 2000). In the process of transferring the cultural heritage, it also

serves the imposition of gender stereotyping, which is well noted in the literature to have negative

effects on individuals (see Arslan, 2000; Davies, 1995; Esen & Bağlı, 2002; Helvacıoğlu, 1996; Michel,

1986). When exposed to a different society’s norms and stereotypes through language learning,

Delen and Tavil (2010) refer to this ability as ‘pragmatic competence’. Without this competence,

learners who are fully competent of producing grammatically correct sentences may end up with

pragmatically inappropriate utterances causing breakdowns in communication (Bardovi-Harlig &

Dörnyei, 1998; Bardovi-Harlig & Hartford, 1996). Thus, learners should be provided a learning

environment where they can experience the functions in context and acquire pragmatic competence Teaching pragmatic competence effectively in second language learning environment can be

achieved by exposing the learners to relevant input features in appropriate amount and type (Schmidt,

2001). This necessitates learners attentive involvement “to the action that is being accomplished, the

linguistic, paralinguistic and non-verbal forms by which the action is implemented, its immediate

interactional or textual context, and the dimensions of the situational context that are indexed by

linguistic and pragmatic choices”(Kasper & Roever, 2005, p. 318). When such a teaching environment is

provided, learners can develop pragmatic and sociolinguistic knowledge and perform effective

communicative action with target forms. For Blum-Kulka (1991) this is even easier for especially adult

second language learners since they are already competent in one language and can draw on pragmatic

universals and L1 transfer of discourse. Throughout language learning, learners should be involved in social practices to identify the

interrelationships of sociopolitical contexts and social identities (Kasper & Rose, 2002). Brown and

Levinson (1987) refers to this ability as ‘socio-pragmatic competence’ by which the learner

acknowledges the relationships between communicative action and power, social distance and the

imposition associated with a past or future event (Kasper & Roever, 2002) as well as recognizing mutual

rights and obligations and taboos (Thomas, 1983). In foreign language learning surroundings, a great amount of the input students receive is provided

by course books along with the teacher. Although many researchers claim that language teaching course

books have problems regarding authenticity and coverage of important aspects, they agree on the

important role they have in the formation of pragmatic competence of language learners (e.g. Delen &

Tavil, 2010; Ellis, 1994; Salazar Campillo, 2007). Under the exposure to a new language and culture associated with it, pragmatic theories developed

in second language learning research suggest that learning a foreign language affects learners’

identities. They view learners who are exposed to a new and different culture via language as reflective

agents in the continuous process of identity reformation (e.g. Block, 2007; Kanno, 2003; Norton, 1995;

Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000). Boxer and Cortés-Conde (1997) argue that, in an attempt to acquireforeign

language pragmatic competence, the learner develops a relational identity which refers to “participants’

construction of a new identity built on their past, present, and future relationship” (p. 282). Via

interaction with target language input, identity reflects an individual’s relationship with the external

environment through the identification with discourses and the complex and recurrent interactions

between the individual and the social (Gu, 2010). Moving from these discussions, the aim of this study is to identify indications of gender role

stereotyping in the texts in English teaching course books used at the first year of university education in

Turkey. The data gathered from four widely used course books was analyzed using detailed textual

analysis (Fairclough, 2003) so as to identify and categorize stereotyped roles for females and males.

Content analysis was conducted to interpret the data from texts. The findings depict the gender roles in

course books and outline the relationship between the elements of linguistic features of texts and the

way they function in reinforcing gender stereotyping. Method

Data Collection Procedure In order to find out how gender identities are reflected in English teaching course books, four books,

namely “Speak out’, ‘Outcomes’, ‘New Success’ and ‘Language Leader’ in pre-intermediate levels, have

been analyzed. As a result of systematic content analysis method, features attributed to women and

men identity in all tasks in these course books are elicited and classified. As suggested by Hodkinson and

Hodkinson (1999), the researchers followed “stakeholder research” model, where the data was analyzed

in three steps. First, the course books were analyzed by the two researchers independently. In the

second step, the findings from the preliminary analyses were cross-analyzed and evaluated by the

researchers. Finally, two researchers discussed and finalized the categories emerged from the analysis. Results As a result of the content analysis, the findings are grouped under three main categories: (1)

attributions of professions, (2) attributions of personality features, and (3) attributions of physical

appearance. The results are presented in three parts respectively.

Attributions of Professions First of all, the analysis of the data has revealed the frequencies of professions attributed to male

and female population. The attributions are grouped in ten major categories as displayed in Table 1.

Professional Attributions for Males and Females. Female F 29 26.1 23 44.2 7 22.5 7 Total % % Arts Business Science

Medicine & Health Illegal jobs Media

Government Services Politics Education Sports Others Total 82 73.8 28 53.8 24 77.4 18 23 6 46.1 7 58.3 7 77.7 1 14.2 2 2 50 40 60 8 12 210 68.1 308 98 31.8 As Table 1 shows, the most frequently profession category is arts, which is mostly used for males

(8 %). Business related professions are second highly used jobs with almost equal attribution

frequencies for males (53.8 %) and for females (44.2 %). On the other hand, science, as the third most

frequent occupational area, has significantly higher frequency for males (77.4 %). Males also have

significantly higher frequency rates for medicine and health (72 %), illegal jobs (92 %) and politics (77.7

%). The professions with higher frequencies for females are related to only educational field. The results

show that males and females have relatively equal attributions in the field of business, media,

government services and sports. The least commonly used job for males is education (14.2 %) whereas for females, arts (26.1 %), science (22.5 %), medicine and health (28 %), illegal jobs (8 %) and politics

(2 %) are less commonly used compared to males. From the analysis, it can be implied that specific

fields of occupations are attributed to females (i.e. education) and some others to males (i.e. arts,

science, medicine and health, illegal jobs, and politics). This can be inferred as educational jobs are more

appropriate for females and less for males. At the same token, jobs related to science, arts, politics,

medicine and illegal jobs are mostly possessed by males.

Attributions of Personality Features Table 2 displays the personality features attributed to males and females. The features are grouped

under five main categories: intellect, social relations, psychological state, sense of responsibility and

physical strength. Each category has a sub-classification dividing the attributions into normally desired

and undesired features. As Table 2 shows, out of 266 personality features, 156 (58.6 %) of them used to refer to males and

110 (3 %) of them were used for females. The majority of all attributions used for males falls under

desired sub-category (65.5 %). The highest rate for all five categories for males is social relationship

(5 %), the majority of which were desired adjectives (66.6 %). The other high attribution for males

belongs to psychological state (25.6 %) and intellect (19.8 %). While males are mostly referred to

negatively in terms of psychological state (60 %), they are attributed very positive qualities regarding

intellect (87 %). The references used for males in terms of sense of responsibility and physical strength

are relatively lower but mostly positive (65 % for sense of responsibility and 100 % for physical strength).

Males are not referred to negatively in terms of physical strength. The results reveal lower attributions used for females (41.3 % of all attributions) compared to those

used for males. The majority of all attributions are under desired subcategory (65.4 %). The highest rates

of the adjectives associated with females are under sense of responsibility (36.3 %) and secondly under

social relationships (32.7 %). Positive attributions under these categories are significantly higher than

the negative ones (75 % of sense of responsibility and 69.4 % of social responsibility). In terms of

psychological state, females are more frequently referred to using undesired adjectives (65.3 %). There is no undesired adjectives for intellect and physical strength used for females, though the

frequency of them under these categories are significantly lower than the adjectives attributed to

males. Out of 37 attributions used for both genders, 83.7 % of them are used for males whereas only

2 % of them are used for females. The overall comparison of the personality attributions used for males and females indicates that

there are more attributions for males in total (58.6 %) than females. Males are more frequently referred

to in terms of intellect, social relationships and psychological state. On the other hand, females are

mostly attributed personality features of sense of responsibility, social relationships and psychological

state. The attributions regarding intellect and physical strength are significantly lower for females than

those used for males. Also, a higher percentage of psychological state attributions are under undesired

subcategory both for females (65.3 %) and for males (60 %). To sum up, while males are represented as holding positive qualities for intellect, social relationships

and physical strength, females are represented as having strong sense of responsibility and desired

social relationship qualifications. Table 2. ty A tt ri butions for M ales a nd Fem ales . 5(5), 187-198.

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De la Perfection à la Cruauté (Analyse de Caligula de Camus) Şengül KOCAMANa*

Dicle University, Ziya Gökalp Education Faculty, Diyarbakır/Turkey

Camus’ play Caligula written under the influence of the Roman historian Suetone’s the

Lives of Twelve Caesars deals with the rebellion of an absolute emperor of the whole

Roman Empire against the fact that life ends with death. Undertaking the task of

showing and teaching people the absurdness of such an unfair destiny, Caligula tells

the adventure of a “fair”, “honest”, “helpful” and “artistic” emperor’s transformation

into a monster. Therefore, it is among Camus’ one of the plays that reminds people of

their temporary existence. Camus, Caligula, Absurd, Emperor. Introduction

C’est de La Vie des douze Césars de Suétone que Camus s’inspire pour écrire Caligula. La première

version, sur laquelle Camus revient plusieurs fois, remonte à 1937, et la dernière, à 1958. Caligula a été pensé comme une des parties de la trilogie que l’écrivain appelle lui-même « le cycle

de l’absurde », s’insérant entre L’Étranger et Le Mythe de Sisyphe. Grâce à des genres différents, Camus

a approfondi la notion qui était, avant la guerre, au cœur de sa réflexion philosophique. Homme de

théâtre par vocation, il indique ainsi que la scène lui offrait un moyen d’illustrer ses idées. Dans cette pièce, l’auteur met en scène la tragédie d’un homme: un empereur assoiffé de pouvoir

sans limites, un Romain tyrannique qui impose la logique d’un empereur fou. En somme, nous voilà

confrontés à un roi qui parle follement d’un besoin d’impossible. Pourquoi et comment un roi arrive-t-il

à un tel désir et une telle pulsion? Comment un tel empereur « parfait » et « aimable » en vient-il à

devenir « cruel », « meurtrier », « atroce » et même « fou » ? Albert Camus et son théâtre ont déjà fait l’objet d’un flot de critiques. Mais malgré de multiples

études, le théâtre de Camus mérite encore que l’on s’y intéresse, surtout que Caligula semble être la

production dramaturgique la plus riche de Camus. Au-delà de la pièce, analysons plutôt ce curieux

protagoniste si ambigu de plus près, ainsi que les relations qu’il entretient avec les autres personnages.

Caligula Avant La Mort De Drusilla

(Un empereur « aimable », « un empereur parfait ») Le Premier Patricien: Pourquoi s’inquiéter à l’avance? Attendons; il reviendra peut-être comme il est parti.

(Camus, 1962, p. 1727). En fait, avant la mort de Drusilla, son règne était bien accueilli; on disait même

qu’il entretenait de bonnes relations avec son peuple. C’est donc avec grand regret que Cherea annonce

: « Mais tout allait trop bien. Cet empereur était parfait » (Camus, 1958, p. 18) ; « Ce garçon aimait trop

la littérature. […] Un empereur artiste » (Camus, 1958, p. 21). Homme de lettres et intellectuel, Cherea se distingue non seulement par ses qualités d’érudit, mais

aussi par sa proximité avec l’empereur; Caligula le prend en effet comme confident et récompense son

savoir en le qualifiant même de « littérateur ». La distance entre Caligula et Cherea jalonne deux âges de la vie, deux aspects opposés de Camus,

deux époques dans sa réflexion. Lorsque la pièce fut créée en 1945, il se sentait en harmonie avec

l’humanisme de Cherea et dans ses commentaires il fera le procès de l’empereur fou. […] Mais quand

Camus méditait sur sa pièce en 1938, c’est évidemment la frénésie de Caligula qui l’intéressait (Onimus, 1965, p. 79). Le discours de Cherea brosse le portrait d’un empereur doux et réfléchi. Notamment grâce à ce

personnage, la poésie tient une place importante dans la pièce. Sa réplique « j’aimerais mieux qu’on me

laisse à mes livres » (Camus, 1958, p. 22) laisse deviner sa passion pour la culture et son niveau

d’intellect. Un autre personnage important, Scipion, est caractérisé par son statut de « poète ». La scène

du concours de poésie organisé par Caligula met en évidence la valeur de la poésie dans la pièce et laisse

deviner que Camus voulait mettre en avant l’érudition littéraire dans son œuvre. Plusieurs voix rappellent au cours de la pièce que Caligula e